United Kingdom · Law school admission

LNAT practice tests: full mocks with passages and essays

Two full LNAT mock tests in the real format: 12 argumentative passages with 42 questions in 95 minutes, then a 40-minute essay. Every answer is explained. Try a free passage first.

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LNAT mock tests 1 and 2

£99.99

  • Two full LNAT mocks: 84 questions on 24 passages and six essay questions.
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LNAT mock test 1

£79.99

  • A full LNAT: 12 passages with 42 questions in 95 minutes, then a 40-minute essay with a guide to what a strong answer does.
  • Explained answers, answer plans and marking guides
  • Saved to your account for 12 months
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LNAT mock test 2

£79.99

  • A full LNAT: 12 passages with 42 questions in 95 minutes, then a 40-minute essay with a guide to what a strong answer does.
  • Explained answers, answer plans and marking guides
  • Saved to your account for 12 months
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The exam

What the exam involves

Section A42 multiple-choice questions on 12 argumentative passages, 3 or 4 questions each, in 95 minutes; five options per question
Section BOne essay from a choice of three, in 40 minutes; about 500 to 600 words, 750 at most
ScoringYour score is out of 42, one mark per correct answer, no marks lost for wrong answers; universities read the essay themselves
Knowledge neededNone of law: every answer comes from the passage
Who uses itUK law schools including Oxford, Cambridge, Durham, Bristol, Glasgow, King's College London, LSE, Nottingham and UCL

Sources: LNAT: test format · LNAT: hints and tips. Check the official website for current rules and dates.

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Sample question

Sample question · Multi-writer comparison

Votes at Sixteen: Four Views

Four writers give their views on whether the voting age for all UK elections should be lowered from eighteen to sixteen.

Writer A: Voting is a habit, and habits are easiest to form early and in settled surroundings. A first vote at sixteen or seventeen is usually cast while a young person is still at school and still living at home, among teachers and parents who can explain what a polling card is. A first vote at eighteen often falls in the most unsettled year of a young life: a new job, a new city, a room in a hall of residence, an address the electoral register has not yet caught up with. Those who miss their first chance to vote are more likely to miss the next. Nor would the change be a leap in the dark. Sixteen- and seventeen-year-olds already vote in elections to the Scottish Parliament and the Welsh Senedd, and the sky has not fallen. I do not pretend that sixteen is a natural threshold of political wisdom; no birthday is. But if a line must be drawn somewhere, it should be drawn where it does most to turn young people into lifelong voters.

Writer B: Every age limit is arbitrary at the edges. Some fifteen-year-olds are wiser than many fifty-year-olds, and nobody seriously believes that maturity arrives overnight on a birthday. But the arbitrariness of a line is not a reason to move it; it is a reason to draw it where our other lines already sit. For most of the serious responsibilities of adult life, such as sitting on a jury or standing for Parliament, the law treats eighteen as the age at which childhood ends. It would be strange to say that a seventeen-year-old is not yet fit to decide whether a neighbour is guilty of theft, yet is fit to help choose the government that decides what counts as theft. I want young people to take an interest in politics as much as anyone does, and schools and parties should do far more to encourage it. But the vote is the central act of adult citizenship. It should arrive with adulthood, not ahead of it.

Writer C: Both camps talk as though the number were the point. It is not. A sixteen-year-old who has never been taught how Parliament works, what a manifesto is or how to test a claim in a party leaflet will not be transformed by a ballot paper. Handing that young person the vote is a gesture, and an empty one. Opponents, for their part, insist that sixteen-year-olds are not ready but rarely ask what would make them ready. If readiness is the worry, the remedy is serious civic education in every school, not a different birthday. And once such education exists, the precise starting age matters far less: a well-taught seventeen-year-old and a well-taught nineteen-year-old are not so very different. Like most age limits, the voting age is a convention that could be set a year or two either way without great harm. What we cannot afford is a generation that reaches the polling station, at whatever age, with no idea what it is there to do.

Writer D: It is worth noticing who wants what. Parties that expect to do well among the young tend to find strong principled reasons for lowering the voting age; parties that expect to do badly tend to find equally strong principled reasons for leaving it alone. I do not say that anyone is lying. People find an argument persuasive when it happens to suit them, and politicians are people. But it does mean that no single party should be trusted to redraw the rules of a contest it is about to enter. Who may vote is not like an ordinary policy on taxes, which the next government can reverse; once a group has been given the vote, it is almost impossible to take it away. A change of this kind should therefore go ahead only with broad agreement across the parties. The engagement of young people matters too much to be turned into a tactic, and the age at which voting begins, itself a matter of convention, should not be settled by whichever party happens to hold a majority this year.

Which of the following statements would all four writers accept?

  1. A Lowering the voting age would help young people to form the habit of voting.
  2. B The age at which voting begins matters less than whether young voters have been properly taught.
  3. C The voting age should match the age at which people are treated as adults for other serious purposes.
  4. D Any particular voting age is partly a convention rather than a line fixed by nature.
  5. E Young people's engagement in politics matters, and lowering the voting age is the best way to increase it.
Show the answer

D is correct. Each writer concedes that no age is a natural dividing line. Writer A says sixteen is not 'a natural threshold of political wisdom; no birthday is'. Writer B opens with 'Every age limit is arbitrary at the edges'. Writer C calls the voting age 'a convention that could be set a year or two either way'. Writer D describes it as 'itself a matter of convention'.

A states only Writer A's view: Writer C thinks that, without education, the vote is 'a gesture, and an empty one', and Writer B does not accept the case for change. B states Writer C's position alone; A, B and D say nothing to suggest that education matters more than age. C is Writer B's argument, and Writer A, who would lower the voting age while other adult responsibilities stay at eighteen, would reject it. E is a partial truth: all four do value young people's engagement, but only Writer A treats lowering the voting age as the way to increase it. Writer B wants schools and parties to encourage interest while keeping the vote at eighteen, Writer C thinks the change without education achieves little, and Writer D takes no view on its merits.

Questions

Frequently asked questions

What is on the LNAT?

Section A has 42 multiple-choice questions on 12 argumentative passages, in 95 minutes. Section B gives you 40 minutes to write one essay from a choice of three.

How is the LNAT scored?

The LNAT score is your Section A mark out of 42. There is no penalty for wrong answers, so never leave a blank. The essay is not scored by LNAT; each university reads it and uses it in its own way.

Do I need to know any law?

No. The LNAT tests reading, reasoning and writing. Every Section A answer can be worked out from the passage alone.

What do your LNAT mocks include?

Each mock has 12 original passages with 42 questions and three essay questions. Every question explains why the best answer is right and the others are wrong, and each essay question comes with a guide to what a strong answer does.